Published as a service to the cause
of Revolutionary Nationalism by
SINCE the start of 1984, the National Front has been steadily transformed from being a basically reformist pressure group into a movement for National Revolution in Britain. This transformation has not always been obvious, nor is it yet complete, but the basic trend has been clear.
It was inevitable that this radicalisation would alarm the remaining racial Tories left in our ranks since the mid-70s. And it was equally certain that the adoption of revolutionary ideology and structures by the N.F. would trigger alarm bells in the British State. The further that the process went, the more likely it became that a reaction by conservative elements and the State would occur. This was finally sparked off by the National Front's growing involvement in the struggle of the British people in Ulster against betrayal by the British State. The N.F. stepped right into the middle of an undeclared war, so it is no surprise that we have come under heavy fire as a result.
The facts about the State's response to the growing N.F. threat, and the part played in it by the last reactionary elements within the old leadership, have taken a long time to uncover. And the need to ensure fair trials for these few individuals at their resulting disciplinary tribunals publication of the full story about factional adventure.
But with the main ring-leaders expelled by a constitutional and fair disciplinary tribunal, it is now possible to provide the information which many N.F. officials and militants want to hear. When did the faction start to form? Who played the leading roles? What sort of subversion and trickery occurred which made it necessary to expel three previous Chairmen of the Party's governing body? It is hoped that the following detailed report will answer these and many other questions.
I am sure that careful reading of the facts presented in this document will first shock and then anger all sincere Nationalists. I also hope that an understanding of this plot to take-over and de-radicalise or to destroy the National Front will serve as a valuable lesson for the National Revolutionary movement in the future, both in Britain and overseas. "Blows which do not destroy us make us stronger" - but only if we understand who dealt the blows and why. Read on, and all will become clear.
This statement was unanimously approved by the National Directorate and written between 1st - 5th August. 1986.
In order to see things in perspective, we need to step back briefly and to examine the internal politics of the National Front in recent years. The removal of Martin Webster as effective dictator of the Party by a rising generation of young radicals, chiefly Nick Griffin, Derek Holland and Joe Pearce, marked the beginnings of the full-scale radicalisation of the N.F., so we must take the story up from there.
DECEMBER 10TH 1983
Following months of growing tension between Webster and the radicals, a meeting of the National Directorate voted to sack Webster and his homosexual lover Michael Salt from all their paid and elected positions within the Party. Ian Anderson, who had served as Webster's right-hand man and chief prosecutor in disciplinary proceedings under his regime for several years, voted to axe the man who had given him a job as a full-time paid N.F. official. Webster was particularly stunned by this as Anderson had sat next to him at a dinner party only the night before, where they had plotted together against the radicals. Outmanoeuvred and isolated, Webster found himself with about 20 supporters as the entire Party rejoiced at his removal.
The radicals who had brought this about agreed to accept Anderson as it was felt that his administrative experience would be useful. It was hoped that he would lose the various bad habits acquired while working with Webster and come to fit into the new leadership team.
A similar attitude was taken to Martin Wingfield, who after initial reluctance to remove Webster agreed to do so when offered the editorship of N.F. News. Although he was known to have reactionary tendencies, it was felt that Wingfield was a technically competent journalist whose ideological stance would improve with contact with radical colleagues.
Mistakes made by Anderson over the calling of the December 10th meeting gave Webster the opportunity to drag the N.F. into the High Court. Webster was actually reinstated, but Pat Harrington pointed out that in his judgement against the Directorate the judge had actually made clear how the sacking should be done. The wrangling continued until the Annual General Meeting where Webster's expulsion was confirmed.
Tom Acton, a former accountant appointed Party Auditor by Webster bought a large A2 printing press capable of doing all usual N.F. work. It was agreed that the Party would buy its way into ownership of the machine in instalments. A contract was drawn up whereby the National Front would own the press (worth £6,000) as soon as it commenced payments of £100 per month. Interest somewhat higher than the standard bank base rate was to be charged on the sum outstanding. If three or more payments were missed, Acton would have the right to reclaim the machine. Anderson never bothered to get the agreement signed and never made a single payment. Although it was widely announced that the N F now owned the press, it remained the private property of Acton. The fact that no payments had been made and that the agreement had not been signed was concealed from the Directorate for many months.
One of the key parts of the developing radical strategy at this time was the need for decentralisation of the movement's assets and operations. It was increasingly felt that to have all our eggs in one basket in one large central headquarters made us sitting targets for police raids or Red/Zionist/Immigrant attack. It was therefore proposed to site the press out of London at a secret location. The argument was clinched by the lower cost of rented property out of London and it was agreed to establish the main printworks in Suffolk. Anderson and his fellow Head Office worker Roger Denny opposed this vigorously. Anderson was particularly keen to set up the operation in East London which he saw as his own personal power-base. In spite of this, the press went to Suffolk and although there was concern over Acton's business ability, most of the leadership were happy to see at least the start of the decentralisation programme.
Growing dissatisfaction among the radical leadership and many committee officials with Anderson's regime at Pawsons Road. "It's in the post...seven to ten days" began to become the cynical catch-phrase to describe his administration as the lies and excuses wore thin.
Nick Griffin and Derek Holland proposed an administrative re-shuffle aimed at shunting Anderson away from the central funds and internal organisation and to get him working on the less crucial areas of press relations and activities. Joe Pearce, at the time their closest friend and political colleague urged caution because of the damage that Anderson might do if offended. Proposal shelved and Anderson simply given a warning to stop lying, at least to his close associates.
MAY - JUNE 1985
Crisis at Pawsons Road continues to grow. Many vital projects held back through lack of funds or simply because they get "lost" or "forgotten" at Pawsons Road. Radical initiatives and propaganda, such as "N.F. support the miners" posters seemed particularly ill-fated, but this was put down simply to the general chaos at the Bookshop throughout this period.
Continual shuffling of funds between accounts and Anderson's obsessive control over the purse-strings made it impossible to get accurate figures about Party finances. During this time over £2,500 was raised for the N.F.'s computer appeal. When the current administrative team took over completely at the start of 1986, it was found that the computer had in fact been obtained under a Hire Purchase agreement taken out by a member of Croydon Branch and that the N.F. had not made a single payment towards buying it. All the money had been swallowed up in a bottomless pit of old debts and wages for Anderson end Denny, with occasional handouts to the voluntary workforce to cover basic expenses.
Having acquired the machine, Ian "I'll master it in a weekend - no problem" Anderson, tries for several weeks to get it to work, then gives up. Over £1,000 worth of vital computer equipment sits idle on his desk for months.
Nick Griffin, Pat Harrington and Derek Holland get Directorate approval for a shake-up at Pawsons Road (Joe Pearce at this time was still recovering from personal family problems and was not heavily involved, but he readily agreed that the changes were necessary). Roger Denny was given responsibility for the Bookshop and small A4 printing press; Tina Dalton was to run the typesetting operation as a separate business, and to share responsibility for the N.F.'s administrative work with Martin Wingfield.
However, since all these aspects of our operation stayed in the same building and money continued to be shunted indiscriminately between the various accounts, the reshuffle had little effect. Anderson continued to plunder the Bookshop to conceal the fact that the Party's political operation, for which he was still responsible, was running at a loss and could not afford to pay his wages, let alone a hefty share of his car repair bills. Roger Denny proved too weak to stand up to this so stock levels continued to decline while back orders and debts mounted alarmingly. Hundreds of completed orders and subscribers' copies of publications lay in a pile in the shop because Denny lacked either the money or the drive to get them posted. Anderson routinely dropped urgent letters in the same heap and then blamed Denny when they stayed there for weeks.
Denny also failed to keep Anderson from interfering in the running of the small printing operation and from looting money made by commercial printing work. This alone could not, however, explain the way in which this operation failed to provide the fast and cheap internal printing work which was its raison d'être. The production of regular local leaflets was an important part of the radical-developed strategy of putting intensive effort into "target 'wards". The small press was supposed to meet this need, but was used instead to make exorbitant profits from badly done work provided months late. Among the units which suffered from this were Croydon (who waited 4 months for their "Patriot" leaflet"); Epping Forest (4 months for the first one, second one lost completely); Havering (6 months) and Norwich (text lost at typesetting stage). Other radical initiatives such as a leaflet aimed at police officers disillusioned by the kid-glove treatment of Black rioters also failed to appear on time and ended up having to be photocopied and sent out in pitifully small quantities.
John Field kept a list of the propaganda items which he sent down for production which were then lost or left so long that they became dated and useless. When the number reached 20 in just a few months he gave up counting. Other people found the same problem. Good local initiatives such as posters produced by Liverpool Branch, and Michael Fishwick's efforts to relaunch the YNF were also held up by the failure of Dalton and Denny's typesetting and printing operations to deliver the goods.
One excuse given was the unreliability of the old A4 press, so the money was raised (mainly through a loan of hundreds of pounds from John Field, who had already put in more than £3,000 to help set up the Party's printing operation) for Denny to buy a better A4 machine. Instead he went against instructions and spent hundreds of pounds extra to buy a sub-standard A3 press. Anderson and Wingfield supported him in this because had it been a decent piece of equipment, this press could have been used to produce virtually all the N.F.'s propaganda. They saw this as a way to bring a large part of the Party's propaganda machine back under their central control. Denny was additionally keen on this because he saw it as a way to undermine Acton's printing operation. This ambition was prompted simply by the fact that Acton was given to spending far too much time with Denny's girlfriend Tina Dalton. This habit of allowing personal clashes to influence their political decisions to the detriment of the 'movement has been shown repeatedly by the members of this faction. and has even led to side-squabbles between its own members. Even potentially lucrative commercial work was fouled up. Virtually every single customer was kept waiting or let down altogether. The efforts of a number of activists who distributed advertising material to build up this business were totally wasted.
Meanwhile essential political work was also not getting done. After the first Harlow march Michael Hipperson (now living with Ian Anderson in Newham and supplying Wingfield's FLAG newspaper with photos which were promised to N.F. NEWS) couldn't be bothered to do anything about the forty resulting follow-ups even though he was Regional Organiser at the time. A second march was now held in the town with a similar number of follow-ups as a result. Anderson was to organise an inaugural meeting to form a new unit, but nothing ever happened. When the Bookshop was finally cleared out in the autumn, all the follow-ups and the bulletins which should have been sent out notifying people about the meeting were found in the basement. All the effort by the East London activists who went into the area paper-selling and to boost numbers on the march was wasted.
Nor was this an isolated mistake. The bulletins calling for the inaugural meeting of the new Wandsworth Group that summer were also found in the basement months later. Yet Anderson had the cheek to complain that no-one had turned up to the meeting.
Nor were Anderson's continual lies and Denny's drunken depressions the only source of difficulty in this period. N.F. officials and activists will remember the "Lies, Damn Lies" leaflet produced by the Publicity Department (headed by Nick Griffin at the time) in response to the Heysel Stadium smear when the press blamed the N.F. for the deaths of 38 Italians in a Brussels football riot. The problems faced by the Publicity Department getting this leaflet out in time to stem the avalanche of media lies are typical of the combination of incompetence and deliberate sabotage emanating from Pawsons Road at this time.
The leaflet was written and mocked up by noon on the day the story broke. Nick Griffin phoned the text down to Wingfield at the Bookshop and he agreed to ensure that it was typeset by Dalton proof-read and pasted up that afternoon. The following afternoon (by which time it should have been being printed) it had not even been set. After a strong complaint about this the text was set two days late. Several days later Nick Griffin asked if it had yet been printed. Anderson said that it hadn't but that "we're going to run 5,000 tomorrow on the small press". Nick told him that in view of the seriousness of the smear such a response was pathetic and that the first run alone should be at least 50,000 on Acton's big press. Reluctantly, Anderson agreed to this.
About a week later, Acton got round to printing the first run of these vital leaflets. How a trained typesetter can manage to get so many mistakes in a 400 word leaflet defies the imagination, but Tina Dalton managed it. Basic instructions on layout, typeface size and print colours were ignored, making chunks of the leaflet meaningless drivel. Between them, the incompetents crammed a total of 23 mistakes, some minor, but several disastrous, into this very important leaflet. Acton joked that it was "a bit ropey", but he still saw fit to print some thousands of this illiterate and utterly useless leaflet.
Nick Griffin ordered him to destroy the lot and went down to Pawsons Road to supervise the typesetting of a replacement and to paste it up personally. This was the version which was then distributed to great effect around the country in spite of the best efforts of Wingfield and Anderson to discredit the radical controlled Publicity Department.
Over many months of 1985, similar problems were put down to over-crowding at Pawsons Road and shortages of manpower and equipment. The idea that members of the leadership of the National Front were deliberately sabotaging areas of the movement's operations in order to discredit their radical colleagues seemed too fantastic to contemplate. Only with the benefit of hindsight does this emerge as the only logical for the sheer scale of the problems encountered explanation during this period.
With nearly all the National Front's eggs centralised in a collapsing basket at Pawsons Road, it was time for decisive action to end the shambles. Major change was also made necessary when Denny was asked to resign from the Directorate and all positions in the Party after it was revealed that he had been arrested on an N.F. activity in the middle of our anti-drugs campaign with a pocketful of cannabis (something which may also explain his complacency about his failure at the Bookshop).
As a result of all this, Pat Harrington and Derek Holland took over at the Bookshop. John Field was brought in to supervise the handing over of Administration to Nick Griffin. Paul Fortune from Bedfordshire had earlier in the year been picked by Joe Pearce's Education and Training Department as worth training up' to take on top level responsibility. He now volunteered to get the computer into operation and did so within a few days.
Anderson put in a lot of effort to turn Paul Fortune against the "'Suffolk mafia" (a term used by Anderson and Denny against those, including Pearce, seeking to decentralise the movement), but when he failed to make any impression Anderson took instead to running the new volunteer worker down to anybody who would listen to his poison.
Denny's job on the small press was taken over by Jimmy Grundle, who straight away began to turn out better quality work, but was still always too ready to go to the pub rather than print essential propaganda material. One example illustrates this. "Free Joe Pearce" posters were badly needed for a literature run, but were left till the last minute and only a small quantity were printed. Paul Fortune held up the literature run for three hours, but after saying that he would go and have one drink and would come back to print more posters after 15 minutes, Grundle stayed in the pub for 4 hours. As a result, London units were rationed for the posters and many provincial units did not get any at all. The financial side of this operation now became the responsibility of Miss Dalton.
By the end of September 1985, all the subscription and membership files had been moved from. Pawsons Road and were being computerised in Norwich. It is, however, significant that members of the public who subscribed to N.F. News before this time were later to be sent a sample of the reactionary faction's paper THE FLAG. This shows that copies of subscribers lists were made and stolen by Anderson and Wingfield many months before the later internal problems erupted. Clearly they were planning the subsequent coup attempt by the summer of 1985 at the latest. Further evidence of this comes from the fact that they also copied the old Organisers' address stencils before they were moved from Pawsons Road. This was done on the photocopying machine in the building, which broke down at the start of August 85. These people were planning a factional war nearly a year in advance, while everyone else was busy working to build the National Front.
One damaging event in particular which occurred at this time was assumed to the work of the State, although it later became clear that it was actually the result of a deliberate leak from some-one opposed to the de-centralisation programme. On l5th October, the GUARDIAN carried a front page story alleging that the N.F. had set up a typesetting and printing business with the help of fraudulently obtained grants from the Manpower Services Commission. It revealed the whereabouts of the secret press in Suffolk and claimed incorrectly that Derek Holland and Nick Griffin were doing the Party's typesetting. The expose came only days after the Tottenham Riots and severely disrupted the National Front's response to the most serious racial violence yet.
seen in Britain. So it seemed reasonable to assume that an M.I.5. dirty trick bad been pulled to keep the organisation from taking full advantage of the external political situation. The only possibility of an internal leak appeared to be Denny, who had just left under a cloud and who hated the "Suffolk mafia", but nothing could be proved and the matter was put to one side.
Derek Holland, however, put in a complaint to the Press Council and months later received a stunning reply. The GUARDIAN claimed, that it was not a genuine complaint but was simply a "fishing trip" by the N.F. to try to identify the source of their story who was described as an official "at the highest level of the National Front".
Some of the details in the GUARDIAN report could not have been discovered by ordinary investigative journalism. The name of the Griffin/Holland business, for example, would have been unlikely to emerge. And if the journalist had worked through a contact in the business's bank, he would have found that Nick Griffin's partner was a "Mr. Holden" since the bank managed to get Derek's name wrong on all their records. The fact that the report got such minor details right first time lends credibility to the GUARDIAN's claim about a top level informer. Also, an external investigation would surely have looked into the commercial business run with the small press at Pawsons Road, which had actually been advertised in N.F. NEWS. Although Denny was the most obvious culprit, it was noted that he had always spelt the partnership's name incorrectly as "Gandulf Graphics". Anderson, on the other hand knew the correct spelling was "Gandalf". The GUARDIAN report used the correct spelling.
In his Press Council defence, the GUARDIAN journalist David Rose went on to make the amazing revelation that his N.F. informant had also joined him in two day long meetings with the infamous Zionist SEARCHLIGHT hack Gerry Gable. It is of course just possible that Rose made up this story to encourage suspicion within the N.F. leadership. But such a possibility is not a good reason to block any investigation into the allegations at all. Yet this was precisely the irresponsible attitude of Wingfield, Acton, Nash, and Brons at the Directorate meeting which heard a series of charges against Anderson. The full story of how they schemed, lied and rigged the agenda to get Anderson off will be told later in this document. In the meantime, the reader should just bear in mind the fact that the desire to protect a member of their secret faction prompted these corrupt individuals to ignore completely one of the worst breaches' in security which the National Front has ever suffered.
The administration of the N.F. was not decentralised overnight. Anderson was now supposed to be working from Pawsons Road on political matters and activities organisation, but until the new administration address became widely known, he was responsible for dealing with the post that came in to the old address. For several months he therefore continued to control the main administrative bank accounts and handling large sums of cash coming in at Pawsons Road and on the literature runs which he continued to monopolise.
His record of incompetence was maintained. Anderson bounced 8 cheques on one person alone in just two months. This all too common trick cost the Party hundreds of pounds in unnecessary bank charges and did even more damage to our credibility and to the good-will of essential suppliers and of loyal N.F. members. Typical of this was his treatment of Blackpool Branch, who had agreed to give a short-term loan 'earlier that year of £700. Repayment had been overdue for many months and Branch officials became concerned. They were told at least 12 times that a cheque was "in the post". Every time, it emerged that Anderson had lied to them. This money was only one of the horrific debts later cleared by the radicals once they had full control of the Party's finances.
Suspicion began to grow that at least some of this "incompetence" was in fact deliberate sabotage of the new administrative arrangements. For two months running very little money came in to pay for bulk supplies of Party publications. When Nick Griffin and Paul Fortune approached the units concerned, they were told that they had not paid because they had not been invoiced. Anderson repeatedly claimed to have sent out all the invoices and to have done several "chase-ups" of non-payers. The truth of the matter only emerged some months later when all the invoices were discovered in envelopes in the basement and in Anderson's office in Pawsons Road.
The incoming radicals also began to suspect that the outgoing officials were involved in theft and fraud. Petty cash records for the typesetting and printing operations were non-existent or meaningless. The petty cash records were not backed up by invoices and did not add up properly in any case. £20 -£30 per week usually went unaccounted for each week. Yet although wages had now been cut to the bone, Anderson continued the old Pawsons Road tradition of spending prolonged lunch-breaks in the pub across the road. Out of all the people who went on to form or support the reactionary faction, only Wingfield was not noted for regular and excessive alcohol consumption. Such habits have to be paid for.
Evidence of fraud is always difficult to find, as crooks naturally take steps to cover their tracks, but one item raised later as a charge against Anderson was the drawing of a £300 counter cheque on the main N.F. account. No record of this money appeared in the petty cash book and no explanation for its expenditure was never provided. the same was also true of the 1985 Remembrance Day collection which Anderson took away at the end of the day. The bulk- of this money was accounted for, but some hundreds of pounds simply vanished. As will be seen later, even further investigation into this scandal was deliberately blocked by Wingfield, Andrew Brons and the others who defended Anderson when he was asked to explain what had been going on.
Below: Petty cash book pages kept by Anderson over the period of the counter cheque. Income is on the left. There is no record of £300 taken from the bank. Incompetance or fraud? Wingfield, Brons and Co. did not care.
The new radical administration and Bookshop workers now set about clearing up the mess. The Bookshop staff inherited over 1,500 unfulfilled back orders for which around £6,000 had come in and disappeared into the bottomless pit. Within six months this had been reduced to 200 back orders and the shop re-furbished and re-stocked. The usual average of 8 letters of complaint and 10 abusive phone-calls from irate customers every day was steadily reduced. The threat of eviction arising out of unpaid rent of over £600 was also dealt with. Thousands of pounds worth of other dangerous debts were also steadily cleared. At the same time, the Norwich administration operation set about paying off urgent debts and quickly reduced the pressing back-tax liability from around £10,000 to £1,600.
The N.F. now faced several dangerous court cases. Ian Stuart, key activist and central figure. in the growing White Noise music operation, was framed by the police and sentenced to a year in prison for defending himself against attack by two Blacks.
Pearce and Anderson went on trial for conspiracy with persons unknown to produce Bulldog in contravention of the Race Relations Act. The main evidence for this had been found in Anderson's car during police raids months earlier. Anderson talked boldly about running a political defence, but when the crunch came squirmed ,off the hook by offering a technical defence and denying that he had anything to do with the material in his car or stocks of the paper found in his flat. Pearce was left to carry the can and was also sentenced to a year inside. While Anderson went free.
At about the same time, Wingfield also spent a brief spell "inside" for 'non-payment of a Race Act fine. While this was the correct thing to do, his main motivation was to make himself a martyr and boost his popularity in preparation for the factional struggle which he was already planning. The trick was not new, Pearce used it to undermined Webster several years before. Significantly, Wingfield refused to see anyone except Anderson while he was in prison, even though he had worked side by side with the man for months and must have known exactly how corrupt and cynical he was. The important thing to Wingfield now was to build alliances for his attempted political reaction. And people exposed as inadequate by growing radical demands for organisational efficiency and honesty were his natural choice.
The campaigns launched by the radical Publicity Department on behalf of both Wingfield and Pearce were both sabotaged by slow typesetting and late and short print-runs by Acton and Grundle. This problem will be discussed in greater detail shortly.
Anderson's reaction to being found "not guilty" was bizarre. Instead of breathing a sigh of relief and joining in to make the anti-Race Act campaign a success, he went to pieces. Although still supposed to be working at Pawsons Road he would disappear for days on end. When he did come in he spent most of the time in the pub and the rest of the day sitting at his desk gazing into space and getting through a half bottle of whiskey each afternoon. Unable to afford the rent on his East London flat he now started to sleep on the floor upstairs at Pawsons Road.
The new Bookshop staff were not delighted with this development. They were working long hours trying to sort out a near bankrupt mess which Anderson had helped to create in the first place. More than that, they were systematically clearing out and re-decorating the whole premises, and Anderson's presence in the front room was holding up this work. But since he told them that he would be gone "within two weeks - no problem" they agreed to allow him to stay. Two weeks later he denied ever making such a promise and refused to say when he would go. The Executive Council therefore authorised Pat Harrington to give him one more weekend to sort out alternative accommodation and then tell him to leave. He left. When the phone bill for this period came through, it was nearly £150 more than usual, even though the shop had been closed over Christmas.
Dalton was given the 1986 membership cards to set and get printed. Even with the holiday, these should easily have been produced by the end of the first week of the New Year, but they actually took three months. Anderson agreed to write half the January members' bulletin, but failed to produce anything. In the end, Nick Griffin wrote the entire thing in order to avoid delay, but although Dalton was given the text in mid-January, it did not appear in print for several months.
Anderson vanished after a number of home truths about the state of the Party's main operations were revealed by Derek Holland at the Organisers' Conference. The vast majority of officials were shocked, but delighted to be told the truth for once. Brons, however, said that it was unfair to Anderson. The January N.F. NEWS should have been ready in time for the conference, but Acton's firm promise on this proved worthless and so a literature run was necessary immediately afterwards. When Anderson did not reappear in time, Paul Fortune stepped in and did the run at two days' notice, SO units received their papers promptly.
With Pearce in prison and the busiest time of the year at hand, the N.F. badly needed Anderson's help. Administration in particular' needed his assistance in clearing up a number of inherited problems which only he knew about in detail. But for well over a month Anderson failed to contact any of his Executive colleagues. Only Wingfield, now out of prison after serving six weeks, was able to contact him through a secret phone number, while Dalton had details of a bank account into which to pay any money which might be available for him. A number of people who knew what was going on concluded that this sort of irresponsible behaviour was not what was expected from the Chairman of the National Front.
While searching in Anderson's abandoned files for information about various urgent problems, several members of the new leadership team found material which would have been embarrassing or dangerous in the hands of the State or other opponents. The Executive therefore authorised the Security Department to go through these files and destroy such material and to hand things which needed dealing with to other key officials.
One shocking discovery was a "dirt file" containing photos and information including anonymous allegations against a large number of people in the N.F. Everyone thought that, such underhand practices had ended when Webster was removed, but Anderson had picked up more than a few of his old master's tricks. The officials targeted for future attacks included Mark Cotterill and Ian Stuart. All the material was destroyed, so, thanks to the radical-created Security Department, Steve Brady need not fear the reappearance of "that" cartoon and Gina Pearce will never be embarrassed by the publication of her "Dear Chas" diary or the text of un-posted love-letters written to boyfriends before she got married. But perhaps such folk should be a little more careful in their choice of factional allies in future.
The day after the destruction of these files was completed, the operator of the small press at Pawsons Road, Jimmy Grundle, got involved in a totally unnecessary fight in the Lion public house just up the road. The police were called and broke into the Bookshop to arrest him. As a result, officers of the Special Branch had unsupervised access to the entire building for at least two hours. This scandal alone fully justifies the radical decentralisation policy which Anderson, Wingfield and Denny had so strongly opposed and against which they were still stirring at every opportunity. Because this policy had been forced through in spite of their reactionary opposition, the S.B. men must have been upset when they failed to find any membership files or sensitive internal documents.
Grundle was remanded in custody and Acton agreed to run the small press as a joint venture with Dalton. The radical Executive readily agreed to their proposals to move out of Pawsons Road at the first possible opportunity and to help finance a "front" business at another property. Only one condition was attached to this: that an additional person chosen by the Directorate should go into the business with them to deal with advertising and financial matters. It was felt that this was necessary given Acton's slapdash attitude to organisation and print-deadlines and Dalton's lack of experience at management. Neither had shown the ability or inclination to keep proper financial records in their existing ventures. and it would clearly have been wrong to risk Party money by putting it into such an operation without full confidence in the people chosen to run it.
It would seem to have been this restriction, imposed for the good of their own business as well as that of the N.F., which finally pushed Dalton and Acton into the reactionary camp. Knowing themselves to be unable to come up to the standards now demanded by an increasingly efficient and ambitious movement, they sided with people who would put up with second rate work if they regained control of the Party. Thus individuals reacting against the demands imposed by organisational progress joined with others already reacting against the political progress of growing radicalisation.
Anderson reappears. Although heavily in debt and unemployed, he now manages to buy a house in Newham, which he shares with Grundle and his girlfriend and Micky "Flasher" Hipperson (Anderson's dirt file covered almost everyone, Micky).
Anderson also finds the money to buy another car and to set himself up with a small printing business run from his home. How many commercial customers Anderson managed to steal from the declining printing operation based at Pawsons Road is uncertain. lt emerges that Grundle had agreed months before to stop working at Pawsons Road and go to work for him instead, without giving the new leadership time to find a new printer, The attempt to sabotage the National Front's operations while working to build up a rival parallel structure controlled by reactionaries and opportunists covered many different areas.
Anderson immediately began to stir trouble in East London, though he was careful to do it through others such as Hipperson, Denny and Dave Thomas, rather than putting himself at risk. Thomas had already acquired a reputation as a malcontent, having spent much of the previous summer attacking Pearce for "running away" to Suffolk and becoming a Roman Catholic, a concern shared by Gina Pearce with whom he was friendly for a time while Joe was in prison.
After a three month wait, Acton finally prints the 1986 membership cards. The first batch which he delivers to Norwich are, however, cut so badly that they are useless. He promises to provide more within a few days.
The January members' bulletin is printed at last. So too are the Militants' Levy cards which were given to Dalton and Acton over two months before. But these have been pasted up so badly and are so poorly printed that they would be an insult to people paying the levy. Nick Griffin loses patience and gets them done in 3 days by a local commercial printer. The same had to be done with several other items, including headed note-paper needed to reform the YNF.
At the end of the month, with units all around the country crying out for membership cards, the cards finally arrived. Acton was by this time producing top Quality glossy advertising posters for commercial customers such as the promoters putting on a tour by American-Jewish singer Dean Friedman' and by Mazeltopf, the comedian rabbi. But the National Front membership cards were faded, lopsided and many actually had finger-prints smudged over them. This remarkable disparity in Quality was apparent throughout this period.
There was something similar about Acton's prices as well. His charges for N.F. NEWS and for other political items such the re-print of the Rumanian legionary manual were actually higher than those Quoted by a commercial printer. The extra was paid, however, on the understanding that it would help pay to move the press to a permanent location. The move never took place, but the money has not been accounted for.
From January onwards the new Administration and Bookshop workers organised regular literature runs which expanded steadily to every major unit in the country and to reach Scotland and Ulster. The circulation of N.F. NEWS rose by 30% and work began on plans to make it fortnightly. But it became increasingly obvious that something would have to be done to speed up Dalton's typesetting. The vague suspicion that Wingfield's setting was always done more promptly and accurately than work needed by John Field or other radicals was ignored and put down to her problems with an old machine.
There was also concern over the fact that Acton managed to produce every single issue of N.F. NEWS late or in insufficient Quantities. Only frantic last minute re-organisation and driving around by Paul Fortune saved several runs from disaster, and even so several had to be postponed. These niggling and seemingly unrelated problems were one of the things which kept the radical majority of the leadership too busy to see the overall pattern of factional division which was building up.
To many Party officials it was not clear exactly who was to blame for such problems. Hence Acton failing to print NEW DAWN for nearly three months after he was given it helped to discredit the radicals and the new YNF Chairman Michael Fishwick. The failure of the typesetting and printing operations to cope with the demands of the local units for leaflets for the May council elections had a similar effect on the new Bookshop workers, simply because Dalton worked from Pawsons Road. Not one unit received its leaflets on time. Some, such as Ealing, never saw their text again. Meanwhile, Dalton did a quantity of type setting for Anderson's private business, but although this was done on a Party machine, this was done at no charge.
The near total lack of leaflets over this period had the same cause and effect. In March, for example, Derek Holland gave Acton back 50,000 anti-IRA and "Free Joe Pearce" leaflets which he had dumped uncut at Pawsons Road weeks before and told him to take them away and cut them. The cast iron hand-operated paper guillotine at the Bookshop had been inexplicably broken some time before, leaving the Party completely reliant on Acton for such services. He promised to cut and return all the leaflets in two days. When he finally brought them back, five weeks later, just before a literature run, he presented the outraged Bookshop staff with a mere 16,000 leaflets for the entire country. Yet he had known for weeks that Leeds alone wanted 8,000 Pearce leaflets in order to make the Race Act the issue in their local campaign.
John Field produced a second Pearce leaflet and the Administration sent Acton an initial £80 to get plates made and start producing them. The leaflet was never printed and John finally had to use the text in an issue of N.F. News to get it published at all. The money was never accounted for.
Every aspect of propaganda and merchandise production which could be interfered with by the plotters suffered accordingly. A massive range of designs for button badges was finally printed when a Blackpool activist spent three days printing at Pawsons Road and produced more than Acton had done in the previous three months. But the badge-making machine was owned by Newham Branch. Its usual operator, Dave Thomas, refused to make the badges, saying that he did not like the designs. The badges were urgently needed and would bring in money not only to Newham Branch and the Bookshop but also to every unit which sold them. Thomas was therefore ordered to make the badges or face disciplinary proceeding. The badges still didn't appear, but although Thomas was initially blamed, it emerged that Anderson was refusing to give him the components.
Anderson said repeatedly that he would "have a word with Dave and get the badges produced, while all the time he was holding up the operation himself. This cowardly habit of using others to act as "fall guys" to take the blame for his own actions is a favourite trick of Anderson's. When another Newham committee member finally took over and produced the badges, Anderson subjected her to a prolonged campaign of abuse and intimidation for daring to remain loyal to the N.F.'s constitutionally elected leadership.
At about the same time, Brady sent Pearce a long letter in prison which included sensitive information and allegations about the tactical direction of the N.F. which should not have been sent in past the official censors and Special Branch. The Directorate took a dim view of this and Brady ended up on a charge. A rumour was soon started that Derek Holland had pounded the table and demanded the expulsion not only of Brady, but of every "dissident element". This would have been difficult, as Derek was not even at the meeting, but it is typical of the sort of nonsense emanating from the Anderson camp.
Most of the key figures in the subsequent faction leapt to Brady's defence, so they had already clearly transferred their loyalties from the National Front as a whole to members of their own clique. An unprecedented attempt to influence the tribunal was made, with Brady being given letters of support from Wingfield, Brons, Acton and Dalton. In spite of this, he was found guilty and received the draconian sentence of one month's suspension. Brons was later to cite this as a prime example of the radical tyranny which he claimed had gripped the Party.
This incident also provided the first sign that Pearce's judgement or honesty had suffered in prison. After Nick Griffin had written him a long letter answering Brady's points one by one, he responded by writing to both Nick and Brady, telling each of them that he completely agreed with him. Yet their views were diametrically opposed.
The extent to which Acton was already involved in the plot was shown just before Easter. Pearce had sent a prison Visiting Order out to him, which also named Nick Griffin and Derek Holland. The order was open for about two weeks, but Acton did not tell the others that it had arrived. Only when he knew that Nick Griffin and Pat Harrington were flying to Ulster the next day (and that Derek would therefore be busy at the Bookshop) did he tell his radical "comrades" about the Visiting Order and inform them that he was going to use it the following day. When they asked him to postpone the visit, Acton said that the V.O. was about to expire and that it was the last chance to use it.
By arranging to get a later plane, however, Nick Griffin would still have been able to visit the prison had Acton given him a lift down. But Acton explained that he would have to leave East London before Nick could get there, because the visit started at 1.30 p.m. and he would therefore have to leave at 11 a.m. at, the latest. Yet Acton had made the journey before and knew full well that it actually took no more than one-and-a-half hours to get to Sheerness at that time of day. By this series of unpleasant little lies, Acton was able to keep Pearce isolated from his friends and continue the faction's policy of feeding him with false information designed to turn him against the radicals.
EXTERNAL FACTORS THROUGH THE SPRING
From about March onwards the Administration staff began to notice a steady increase in the amount of post not getting through to the main P.O. Box in Norwich. When the membership cards finally came in the backlog was cleared in about a month, but many units continued to complain that they had not received their cards. Hundreds of replacements were sent out, but most of these did not arrive either. Enough were allowed through to make it appear accidental to the Administration workers, and to convince the rank and file that the problem was caused by inefficiency or laziness at the top.
Some units complained a third time and were sent more replacement cards. When these did not arrive, most simply gave up in disgust, while Administration took their silence to mean that they had finally received cards. It was dissatisfaction over this situation which gave the reactionary faction their greatest weapon.
Through the same period a number of Militants' Levy subscribers phoned up to ask why they had not received acknowledgement of their donations and why their cards had not been posted back to them. The fact was that they had been, as were replacements, but that virtually none got through. The problem was that the computer labels used to address outgoing N.F. post were instantly recognisable, particularly as they are used with stamps, whereas most businesses which use computer labels also use franking machines.
Norwich has only one sorting office and so interception was simple. The introduction of computerised sorting in the Post Office has now made the very selective disruption of post extremely easy. Even letters sent without a postcode now have the correct one' added automatically in many areas (this shows up as a row of faint blue dots on such letters). The sorting machines can be programmed to separate out and hold any letters going to any particular postcode areas (which are usually no more than half a street each). The few letters stopped in this way can then easily be hand sorted to find any addressed to the individual under surveillance.
The disruption to the N.F.'s post has occurred regardless of where in the city material was posted or what time of day it was sent. Thus it was clearly not the work of one or two "Red" postmen, but was being done on an organised shift basis. It was also much more than indiscriminate theft of post, because it was only certain things of particular organisational importance which failed to get through. Thus the financially essential Militants' Levy was slowly cut off, while morale around the country was hit by the non-arrival of membership cards and the growing impression that the Administration workers were up to the old "it's in the post" trick.
Cheques and articles which were discussed over the phone as urgent also began to vanish or turn up late. Important political reports also failed to get through. No fewer than 7 letters were sent by the Oldham committee giving details of outrageous dawn raids in which their front doors were smashed down by Sledgehammer wielding police. Not one arrived.
This selective disruption could only be done by opening every letter and resealing and posting non-vital material the same day. An operation on this scale could only be the work of M.I.5. The way in which the State pinpointed the most disruptive targets so accurately suggests that the plan of disruption was made with the help of someone who had had experience of working in the Party's administration, leadership, but who now wished to undermine the new radical leadership.
CRISIS IN ULSTER
The State certainly had good reason to wish to disrupt the National Front. Ever since the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement the previous autumn, the N.F. had steadily gained strength and confidence in Ulster. Paper sales there rose rapidly from 300 to over 1,000 (equivalent to a circulation of 50,000 on the mainland) and continued to soar.
The old loyalist political leadership was losing its grip as Paisley and Molyneux showed that they had no clear strategy to break the Agreement and to halt the growing influence of Dublin over the government of Northern Ireland. Under the circumstances the N.F.'s plan for an independent Ulster to take control of its own destiny was becoming increasingly attractive. As the potential for growth in the province grew, the radical leadership placed more and more emphasis on the issue. John Field, Nick Griffin, Pat Harrington and Derek Holland all spent time there on a number of occasions. The only Executive member who did not go over to help with political organisation and agitation in loyalist strongholds was Wingfield.The murder of Keith White by a battery fired in place of a plastic bullet by the R.U.C. in Portadown on Easter Monday gave a new twist to the spiral of loyalist anger and resistance against Thatcher's rule and the brutal policing of "Barry's Boys." After the R.U.C. took to ramming loyalist crowds with speeding landrovers and to firing plastic bullets at people walking home at night, the majority community acted to defend itself against betrayal by the British State and the violence of its police force. R.U.C. men were attacked and their homes were petrol-bombed. A minority of loyalists, frustrated by the lack of political progress against the Agreement, also turned on Roman Catholics.
Wingfield panicked and demanded that the N.F. should condemn without reservation the attacks on the R.U.C. and call on the population to remain obedient to Thatcher's laws. At a heated Executive meeting he was told by his colleagues that this was ridiculous and that since the British State had declared war on a section of the British Nation, it was essential that the N.F. be seen to be firmly on the side of the Nation in its struggle against the State. Instead, the radicals issued a press statement condemning police brutality and the futile sectarian violence sparked off by loyalist frustration. The call to loyalists to organise politically and economically, to create alternative government structures in the province and to declare independence received widespread publicity in Ulster.
Sales of N.F. NEWS continued to rise in Ulster. The progress was, however, interrupted when the Belfast Organiser, a school-teacher named Andy McClorie, and a number of activists were arrested and framed on charges of petrol-bombing the R.U.C. Wingfield now demanded that the N.F. should drop the entire issue but was overruled when the radicals insisted instead on putting even more effort into the Ulster campaign in order to make up for this set-back.
This was to prove difficult, as every single copy of N.F. NEWS sent by post or Roadline to Ulster was held up for at least two months. The extension of the monthly literature run to Belfast side-stepped this problem and sales climbed to 5,000 by July (equivalent to a quarter of a million copies on the mainland). Publicity about the N.F.'s growing militant role in Ulster added to the hostility of Wingfield and the other reactionaries to the majority line, as they considered this confrontation with the State to be dangerous and unnecessary., This division was certainly noted by the State. Typical of the methods used by the press throughout this time was the week long" expose" on the N.F. run by the influential regional paper the YORKSHIRE POST. This brought out the difference in attitude between the old and new leadership and publicised the N.F.'s move towards confrontation with the State and its alleged links with loyalist para-military groups. The membership loved it and morale in Yorkshire
CLASHES BETWEEN WINGFIELD AND THE RADICALS
The deep division between Wingfield (recently elected Chairman when Nick Griffin turned down the position in favour of a slightly older man) and the rest of the Executive, was apparent over a number of key issues. Wingfield had opposed the "Independence For Ulster" motion at the A.G.M. in November. So too had Anderson, who gleefully told East London Organiser Dave Durrant that "this is what I'll hang these bastards with" before getting up to speak against the motion. To his surprise, however, the motion was carried by a substantial majority, and over the following months many of the people who had voted against it at the time realised that it was the only way to preserve Ulster's British cultural identity and became firm supporters of the new policy. This included several Directorate members such as Graham Williamson and John Ross, so by the beginning of the year Wingfield and Anderson were heavily outnumbered on this issue.
Wingfield continued, however, to refuse to accept the decision of the A.G.M. and several Directorate meetings to campaign on this theme. He cut articles dealing with the subject out of N.F. NEWS and spoke out against U.D.I. from the platform at the rally following the big mobilisation against the pro-IRA "Bloody Sunday" march in London at the start of February.
This activity provided more examples of how Wingfield was out of step with the majority of the leadership, and indeed with the membership as a whole. A succession of A.G.M.s had unanimously pledged the N.F. to confront IRA supporters physically when they organised marches on the mainland. Issues of N.F. NEWS and NEW DAWN influenced by the radicals now took up this theme in the run up to this provocative march, and calling for vigorous and direct opposition to it. In view of the increasing police harassment being suffered by activists all over the country, the Directorate agreed not to negotiate with the Metropolitan police over the holding of the counter-demo.
Wingfield deliberately ignored this decision and went to see the police beforehand. He then "negotiated" the N.F. demonstration into a police pen of crowd control barriers on a roundabout were it was completely hemmed in by a police cordon. N.F. members from as far afield as Ulster and Scotland didn't even manage to catch a glimpse of the IRA march, still less confront it. Fortunately, the radical majority had booked a hall for a rally after the activity and the police were now pressured by the threat of an N.F. invasion of the underground system into allowing a full-scale march to the hall.
Wingfield privately expressed his dismay at the fact that some people in the counter-demo had thrown missiles over the police cordon and into the IRA march as it passed, and also at the fact that some members had avoided the police pen and worried the march at several points along the route. To give credit where it is due, this group included the group of Newham "heavies" which Anderson used to threaten violence against the Directorate majority later in the year. But it would appear that while the respectable Tory Wingfield is terrified by any possibility of clashes against the enemies of the British people, he is happy to turn a blind eye when his factional allies threaten to use violence against loyal members of the National Front. Such hypocrisy always has been the hallmark of the true reactionary.
Wingfield's arrogant refusal to accept Directorate rulings on the contents of N.F. NEWS went far beyond the issue of Ulster. It was agreed that the paper must be closely co-ordinated with the Quarterly campaigns being run by the Publicity Department. So for the Unemployment campaign, for example, John Field was given the front page and an inside page of an issue of the paper to launch it. On the second month, Wingfield was supposed to run a feature on how the campaign was progressing, using the excellent publicity gained by units around the country to give it another boost. The third issue would then summarise and round off the campaign and give advance warning of the next one.
But although the campaign brought an extremely good response, especially in the Midlands and North of England, Wingfield and Anderson thought that it was "leftist" and so refused to run the follow up stories. Without the mobilising power of the Party newspaper behind it, the campaign ran out of steam and yet another radical project was quietly strangled at birth.
Wingfield also defied the entire Directorate and every rule of commonness by giving space in the paper to the reactionary and juvenile race hate rantings of Ted Budden, an elderly bigot from Brighton. While some of his writing was quite humorous, it had no place in the propaganda showpiece of the National Front, particularly when the organisation was beginning to break out of the stereotyped "moronic racist" ghetto to which it had been consigned by Webster in the 1970s. Wingfield's response to repeated warnings was to allow the column to become worse and worse. Finally, when a comment to the effect that members of other races "are not human at all" had put every street seller in the country at the risk of a Race Act prosecution, he was ordered to drop the column and print a retraction.
The column stopped, but the agreed retraction never appeared. And Mr. Budden has now resurfaced with the same counter-productive and legally dangerous bigotry in Wingfield's factional newspaper THE FLAG.
The other clear pointer to Wingfield's ideology (or lack of it) was provided when he expressed strong reservations about a campaign against American military bases on British soil after they were used to launch the terror-bombing raid on Libya, thus putting Britain directly in the firing line in a foreign war which was against the interests of our nation. After pressure was brought to bear, he promised to run a major article on the subject in N.F. NEWS, but nothing appeared until the paper was taken out of his hands. Yet the anti-U.S. bases line is not only an integral part of Revolutionary Nationalist ideology, it is also one of the most effective recruiting issues available to the N.F. Wingfield, however, sees foreign affairs in terms of a global struggle between the Western "goodies" led by the Good Ol' U.S. of A., and the Eastern "baddies". Those nasty Ruskies might be White, but since New York is the centre of our civilisation we must be prepared to die for Ronald Reagan to see off the Bolshevik peril. Wingfield may have impeccable credentials as a racialist, but so has the extreme right-wing of the Tory party, which is where Wingfield belongs.
THE BIG BANG
The issue which finally brought matters to a head was Wingfield's long campaign to bring Anderson back into the top level leadership. This began in earnest in January 1986. In order to speed up the decentralisation process and spread the workload more effectively" the radical Executive proposed that leaflet follow-ups and basic press relations should be dealt with by Wingfield operating the Party's political office from his home in Sussex.
At the Directorate meeting which discussed this the night before the Organisers' conference, however, Anderson appeared and proposed that the political office should be set up in the house he was buying in East London. Pat Harrington, John Field, Derek Holland, Phil Andrews and Nick Griffin all spoke against this on the. basis that Anderson's track record made him unsuitable for such a job. Apart from his incompetence and corruption, it was also not possible to forget how his carelessness had led to Newham Branch membership lists appearing in SEARCHLIGHT. But in a manoeuvre clearly planned in advance, Wingfield refused to take the position and so the majority of those present gave the job to Anderson. The Executive members agreed to accept this decision and work with it, but warned that if it did not work they would seek to persuade the Directorate to change its mind at once.
In the event, Anderson immediately proved the correctness of the radical view of his personality by having a minor nervous breakdown and disappearing for a month. He told a later Directorate meeting that he went back to his parents' home in Oxford and "spent several weeks in a deep depression, slumped in front of the T.V. with a bottle of whisky."
With the N.F. denied the opportunity of having such a stable and reliable character in charge of its political operation, Wingfield now agreed to take the job on. The Administration therefore paid for office supplies and to open a P.O. Box in Worthing and the decentralisation continued.
When Anderson resurfaced in Newham a month later, the radical Executive told Wingfield that they were quite prepared to give him the chance to stay on the Directorate and to take positions up to East London regional council level. It quickly became apparent, however, that Anderson had no intention of settling down to such constructive work. A series of wild and disruptive rumours began to circulate in the East End: the Executive were selling off all the Party's assets; the Race issue was to be dropped; dozens of people were about to be expelled. The source of the unfounded unrest was clear, but Anderson was careful to use other people to spread his lies and it was hard to get any clear-cut evidence. As the East London Regional Organiser, Dave Durrant, said "Anderson is stirring very heavily, but very cleverly. "
The matter was discussed at several Executive meetings, although these were becoming increasingly difficult to hold as Wingfield took to turning up late and leaving early, re-writing or losing the minutes of previous meetings and demanding that "controversial" decisions should be left to the "moderate" Directorate. Finding himself in a minority of one on the elected Executive, he actively sought to break the constitution and undermine its authority in order to foist his reactionary views on the movement. Wingfield's "Mr. Nice Guy" image conceals an arrogant self-importance and lust for power of shocking proportions. Wingfield was again told that in view of the stirring, any attempt to reinstate Anderson would inevitably lead to factional trouble once he regained positions of power and influence, and that such a move would therefore be fought tooth and nail. It is important to realise that at this stage the radical Executive regarded Wingfield as politically immature and extremely naive, but saw him all the same as a straightforward and honest character. The idea that he was actively engaged in a factional plot to seize control of the N.F. and forcibly de-radicalise it never occurred to anybody. Only too late did we learn the lesson once and for all: never trust a Tory.
In spite of the warnings, Wingfield started to give Anderson heavy coverage in N.F. NEWS, printing his name, by-line and picture at every possible opportunity. At the same time he began to give similar plugs to Nash and Tom Mundy and anyone else who he recognised as cannon-fodder for his faction.
Similarly, Acton began to give Anderson space in NATIONALISM TODAY, even though he had stopped asking his former radical colleagues for contributions to the magazine and avoided even letting them know when it was being mocked-up. The mock-up stage, when it was decided which articles would go in the next issue, had always been a joint effort, when everyone involved in writing for N.T. met over a weekend. The cross-fertilisation of ideas at these events was the thing that gave NATIONALISM TODAY the edge over any rival magazine and kept standards high From now on, however, Acton "froze out" the radical contributors such as Nick Griffin, Derek Holland and Dave Stevens. Acton's technical ability in terms of layout and design "is very good, but the actual contents became increasingly stagnant and repetitive. Errors of editorial judgement, including a rise in obscenity and in gratuitous racial bigotry, also began to creep in.
Wingfield also chose Anderson to be on the organising committee for the Albert Mariner March at the start of May. In spite of grave misgivings, this was accepted, although his proposal to put Anderson in charge of the N.F.'s entire stock of flags and banners was rejected out of hand. In "hindsight, this attempt to take control of the assets vital to Party activities shows a readiness to set up a rival organisation even then.
In one last attempt to wake up Wingfield and to prevent open factionalising, the radicals told him that they would answer any further attempt to boost Anderson by bringing what the months of sorting out the shambles at Pawsons Road had taught them about Anderson into the open. Wingfield ignored this and so at the next Executive a list of over twenty charges was read out and Anderson was suspended. Wingfield took notes of all the charges, but refused to comment on them.
In fact, his only response was to launch another attack on the "extremist" Executive and express his view that the National Front did not need to be a revolutionary movement. Such a fundamental division on the body responsible for the day to day running and emergency decisions affecting the N.F. could clearly not be allowed to continue. Derek Holland therefore proposed, seconded by Nick Griffin, that every member of the Executive should resign at the next Directorate meeting in order to give the Party's governing body the chance to make clear what kind of Executive it wanted, so that whoever was elected would then have a mandate to govern effectively.
After the Executive meeting, however, Wingfield refused to accept Anderson's perfectly constitutional suspension. Instead, he sent out a circular to all Directorate members asking them to phone him and give telephone votes on his proposal, seconded by Brons, to drop the suspension. Both were well aware that such a move was unconstitutional. As the Executive only consists of 6 people, who are generally in almost daily contact, it is possible for them to make decisions over the phone. But the idea of 18 Directorate members being able to hold a full debate by telephone is ridiculous and so the constitution does not allow this. Wingfield went so far as to threaten to resign if the vote was not taken, but a majority of the Directorate told him it was unconstitutional and refused to vote.
Wingfield still refused to accept this and expressed his intention to defy an Executive decision to remove Anderson from the march planning committee and to prevent him from attending. Only when Wingfield was given the choice of accepting this ruling or facing immediate suspension did he finally back down. Had he been suspended, his factional move at the next Directorate meeting would not have been possible, so he wanted to avoid an outright confrontation. Instead, his only move was to change the venue of the Directorate meeting to a hall in Slough which he booked through Mundy. It was assumed at the time that the only reason for this inconvenient and expensive venue was to save Anderson the pain of having to turn up at one of the two usual places, both of which were radical controlled. The incredible cynical manipulation which actually prompted this last minute change of plan will be discussed in due course.
The Albert Mariner march took place on the evening before the Directorate meeting. When Wingfield was relieved of his position as organiser of the event, he immediately phoned the police and told them of the changeover to Nick Griffin. The main reason for this seems to have been his hope that the violence promised by Anderson's little group of Newham "heavies" against Executive members on the march would take place and reduce the event to an unsightly street brawl.
In the event, however, a good turnout and low-key but effective stewarding prevented any trouble. As soon as the march was over Wingfield joined Anderson who was hanging around on the fringes handing out a leaflet about the march to members of the public. Wingfield had claimed nearly two weeks before that this leaflet had been printed and bore the Party's Worthing "address. But on the night no supplies were given to any loyal officials and it carried an East London address so that it looked like a constructive and loyal effort by Anderson. Wingfield also failed to deliver another batch of leaflets, designed to advertise the march to sympathisers in the London area in the days leading up to it.
Such subtle sabotage of radical initiatives characterised this period. Several had taken place on the St. George's Day festival in April. Central to the day's events and to holding people in the hall so that they would spend more time and money at the various Branch stalls was the plan to hire a video screen for the day. Wingfield claimed to have done so, but when Derek Holland hired a van to collect it from the hire company, it turned out that" they had never even heard from Wingfield. Anderson sent Thomas and the amiable but uncontrollable Millwall football hooligan Kevin Bennett along to cause trouble at the event. At the evening gig, both stole beer and Bennett launched an unprovoked attack on a Party member which almost provoked a full scale riot. In the trouble which did follow his assault, several hundreds of pounds were stolen from a stall.
Wingfield's only real contribution to the day was to run a stall selling leaflets and posters produced by him with Worthing Group money without any prior mention of them to his Executive colleagues. Not only was the Publicity Department not informed, but he did not even discuss them with the Bookshop staff, though he of course expected them to sell them for him. For some odd reason, he did not have the same problems getting them produced which had interfered with the production of official radical propaganda. In spite of the irregularity of it all, the radicals agreed to allow him to put out his Tory-inclined propaganda as it did fill a gap and it seemed to be a diplomatic gesture. In hind-sight, these manifestation of leaflets and posters were the first the faction's plans to take advantage of open the problems caused by their own subversion and to isolate and by-pass the Party's elected leadership. As a second plan of attack, they would also be able to use such material to help set up an alternative organisation if they lost the battle for control of the N.F.
Three minor events took place on the Albert Mariner march which puzzled a few people. Firstly, Thomas was heard to boast that the Executive would be changed the following day and that Pat Harrington would soon be expelled. He also stated that some radicals would be left untouched for the time being so as not to cause disruption at the Bookshop or Administration, but that they would be "chopped" later. Secondly, Brons, who had been out of touch for months and had claimed on the phone that he hadn't known the full facts when he seconded Wingfield's motion to drop the suspension against Anderson, turned down an offer to stay with Graham Williamson (who was uninvolved in the wrangle but knew what Anderson was doing in East London) and spent the night with Wingfield at Anderson' s house.
Thirdly, loyal Party members were surprised to hear whispers, about a "victory celebration" being organised by Mary Bailey (now Ashton) to follow the Directorate meeting. Widely loathed as a drunken nihilist, Bailey had once smashed Anderson's car window with a cider bottle, but was now making common cause with him in attacks on the new leadership. The fact that such disruptive elements had been given the go-ahead to set up a "victory" party to celebrate the removal of the radical leadership is clear evidence of a well-prepared factional plot.
It also shows that months of working against opponents who were too busy working to build the movement to notice what was going on had made Wingfield, Anderson and Co. over-confident. But the decision of the radicals to move to put an end to Anderson's tricks had forced their hand too early. Open factional warfare was now inevitable, but so was the defeat of the reactionaries.
The Directorate meeting the following day was better attended than several previous ones. Anderson had not been to the last two and Brons had not bothered to attend the previous three. This would normally have led to a request for his resignation under the rule that members of the N.F.'s governing body must attend at least one meeting in three. This rule had, however, been waived on a proposal by Wingfield which was approved unanimously because of the distance which Brons had to travel to meetings and because of his plea that he was too busy at work to have much time for politics. But with both men present and with Wingfield having. Pearce's proxy vote from prison, every Directorate member's vote was used throughout the meeting.
When he went to prison, Pearce expressed his firm intention not to give his proxy vote to anyone because he felt that he would not be able to keep abreast of developments outside. As already discussed, the faction had by now put a great deal of effort into winning Pearce over. The radicals were convinced at this stage that their former close friend and comrade had simply been conned and would quickly realise his mistake, but whatever the reason, Wingfield had his proxy and was now prepared to use it to try to defend Anderson's corruption and to impose a reactionary and unworkable Executive on the National Front.
Rumours that Anderson had organised a vanload of thugs to intimidate the Directorate had been rife for at least a week, so the radicals travelled to the meeting together, prepared to take whatever steps were necessary to preserve the authority of the constitutionally elected leadership. Two non-Directorate members travelled with them to keep a watch outside the meeting room while it took place. As it happened, the threat was not carried out, but everyone was surprised to see the well-known and widely disliked malicious gossip Steve Brady enter the building with Wingfield's group. He waited downstairs with the two members who had accompanied the radicals. While the meeting was on, he boasted to longtime Southwark activist Wayne Martin that he had "manipulated" the trouble and that his "enemies" were about to be "axed".
Meanwhile, in the meeting, it became clear why Brady was there. Brons read a letter from him which claimed that Nick Griffin had told him that Anderson was going to be expelled on trumped up charges. This was a lie. For all his faults, Brady was considered quite radical and was a drinking mate of Pearce's, so Nick had told him on the phone that his recent short suspension was the end of the affair of his indiscreet letter to Pearce, and had made it clear that Wingfield's attitude made it necessary to expel Anderson. He went on to tell him that there were so many genuine charges against him that his removal was assured, but that no-one else would be touched as long as they didn't move to support his corruption. Brady agreed to "keep out of the firing line" and reiterated his loathing for Anderson.
Brady responded to this comradely gesture with lies and a stab in the back. This is a reflection not only of his personality, but also of his intense desire to get a seat on the Directorate, which he hoped would be his reward from Wingfield. He too this affair, however, so that he will now never miscalculated in again be a member of the National Front, let alone a member of its governing body. Another lesson has been learned the hard way - never trust gossips or social inadequates.
Brons followed the reading of Brady's letter with a tirade against "abuse of Executive powers". How he could know about any such abuse when he had been out of contact with everyone except Brady and Wingfield for three months is something of a puzzle. And when challenged to list the alleged abuses he could not think of any except the well-deserved action against Anderson and the brutal one month suspension of his friend Brady. This was totally at odds with the fair and independent character for which he was well regarded and is one of the unanswered puzzles of this whole affair.
After Brons, Anderson himself spoke and claimed that the reason for the charges against him was that the radicals had learnt that he was planning to bring an action against Nick Griffin after allegations that he had allowed the exiled Italian nationalist Roberto Fiore into the Administration office in Norwich. This absurd allegation came from Roger Bower, an insecure Walter Kitty type who had shown some ability as a writer since joining a year or so before. He had spotted the premises used for the Admin. office and had helped there on a number of occasions. He had therefore been upset when gently "frozen out" when it became clear that his chatter and unreliability made him more of a liability than a help.
Bower had become friendly with Nick Wakeling, a quiet young man who had helped found Nationalism Today in 1980, but who had been moderately sympathetic to Webster and had effectively dropped out for several years, save for a bit of work with Norwich Branch and renting the N.F. an empty room in his council flat for a temporary Admin. office at a cost of £15 per week. Wakeling, another compulsive gossip, is a close friend of Brady's and so knew what was going on. It was thus an easy matter to wind up Bower to get his revenge by coming up with such an absurd but timely allegation.
The radicals knew that letters from Bower and his girlfriend had been sent to Wingfield and were expecting him to raise the matter. Even though the head of the Italian secret service had now been charged with the Bologna railway bombing, Wingfield was still worried about smears by association with the Italians exiled in Britain and released through total lack of evidence by a British court which refused to extradite them. The fact that Nick Griffin (like Pearce) had never attempted to deny that he regarded Fiore as a good personal friend now gave and the reactionaries the opportunity to muddy the waters drew attention away from Anderson.
But it came as a surprise when Anderson raised the issue, concealing the fact that the letters had been sent to Wingfield. He claimed instead that he had found out about this "scandal" himself and was therefore being persecuted for his fearless expose of the truth.
In spite of all this the charges were read out. The constitution and established practice of the National Front quite clearly requires the complainant only to show to the Directorate that there is a case to answer against the accused. If there is, the evidence is then presented at the disciplinary tribunal which follows, where the defendant is considered innocent unless proven guilty. In this case, however, Wingfield, Anderson and Brons demanded all the evidence for each charge. Since it was not required at this stage, Nick Griffin, who had formally brought the charges, did not have it to hand.
Having confused people with inaccurate legal nonsense, the reactionaries then proceeded to lie through their teeth to discredit the charges. Nash swore that the "Mandela Way" street sign raffle, which he had taken about £25 for at the A.G.M. and which had vanished without trace once he gave it to Anderson, had in fact only raised £3 and had been left on a table in the hall. Wingfield invented the content of a twenty minute conversation the previous evening with Jackie Cosgree, a young Newham loyalist who had been intimidated by Anderson, because she had remained loyal, even at the expense of long standing friendships. He said that she had told him that she had not been intimidated and that they parted on very friendly terms. In fact, they had only discussed the events of that evening, on the Albert Mariner March, when she had again borne the brunt of abuse from Newham members supporting Anderson.
Lie after lie helped to confuse the issue and to waste so much time that Anderson never even had to try to get himself off the most serious charges. In particular, the matter of the new information about the leak of the printing press location to the GUARDIAN had not even been raised when Wingfield used his position as Chairman to call an end to the debate. The charges were rejected by one vote (Pearce's proxy).
Wingfield also manipulated the agenda so that disciplinary charges against Thomas were never discussed and so fell because of a constitutional technicality and the fact that a man cannot be charged twice with the same offence. (The reactionaries later realised that Thomas' behaviour and that of his associates was so out of order that such an attitude would lose them support, so they then announced charges against Kevin Bennett, although these never came to anything as Bennett was not a member). This cynical use of the unruly violence which he professes to deplore is typical of Wingfield's Tory hypocrisy.
By now it was 5 p.m., by which time Wingfield had said that the hall booking would run out. But as the matter of the Executive had not yet been sorted out to his satisfaction he went off "to have a chat with the caretaker". When he returned, he said that an extension had been granted but would not say how long for.
The resignation of the Executive now took effect and new elections were called. Wingfield and Nick Griffin were re-elected as Chairman and Deputy Chairman and nominations were requested for the remaining places. To everyone's surprise, Brons offered to stand. Since he could not make monthly Directorate meetings, let alone weekly Executive ones, this was more than a little strange. In fact, he had refused to serve as Yorkshire Regional Organiser not long before on the grounds that he simply didn't have time. Another unanswered puzzle which helps to explain why some people have questioned his underlying motives. Pat Harrington and Derek Holland both declined to stand on the grounds that the rejection of the charges against Anderson made it absurd for the Directorate to re-appoint them after what was in effect a vote of no confidence in the radical Executive. But when Anderson then stood (even though Wingfield had said only days before that he had no desire to move back to this level) Pat Harrington made it clear that he would stand against him rather than permit his election unopposed.
The end result was that the new Executive consisted of Wingfield, Nick Griffin, Brons, Nash, Acton and Pearce. As soon as this was decided, Wingfield looked at his watch and said that it was time to leave the hall so the meeting must end at once.
In spite of a chorus of protests he rose from his seat and declared the meeting closed. The outgoing Executive members and several of their Directorate colleagues demanded that the meeting should continue until responsibility for urgent day-to-day tasks had been reallocated, but Wingfield ignored these pleas and walked out, followed by Brons, Anderson, Nash, Acton and Mundy. The majority of the meeting remained were they were, shocked by such an irresponsible attitude. No caretaker appeared to close the room, but shortly afterwards the group went downstairs to the empty bar and discussed what had happened for several hours.
It was now clear that Wingfield had deliberately chosen a hall in such an unusual place so that he could decide how long the meeting would go on. Thus he not only fixed the agenda, but he also made sure that the meeting lasted long enough for a new Executive to be chosen in a state of complete confusion, but could then closed before the Directorate had time to reflect on what had been done and realise that it was unworkable. The idea of replacing what was in effect a full-time team with a group including a working civil servant, a college lecturer living over 200 miles away and a totally unreliable printer was too absurd to stand up to scrutiny.
One of the reasons for the subsequent total lack of success of Wingfield's Executive was the fact that virtually no-one had heard of Acton and that Nash's only claim to fame was being hit on the head with a spade. For the benefit of readers who still do not know who these two are, we print pictures of them. Like Brady. they are both ardent believers in the Nietzschean ideal of the blond superman.
Knowing that they only had a few days before a fresh Directorate meeting threw started. moves them out of office, Wingfield's Executive now to seize control of the Party unconstitutionally. Their plans called for two things: seizure of key Party assets and files and the suspension of two of the loyalist majority on the Directorate. Since suspended Directorate members can only vote on their own suspension, this would have given them an artificial majority.
The loyal radicals were helped at this stage by the fact that the reactionaries now had to approach more people to help them and did not realise that their most important new recruit was in fact hostile to their aims. Wingfield and the rest knew that Anderson could not operate the Admin. computer even if they took control of it. But up in Norwich, some training on the machine had been given to Michael Fishwick. He had been disillusioned by the difficulty he experienced in getting the backing needed to get the YNF off the ground again. Then Wakeling had spent several months feeding him false information designed to "wind him up" against the leadership.
Some time before, the Norwich committee, of which Fishwick was a member, had sent a letter of constructive criticism of N.F. propaganda to the Directorate. Wakeling had told Michael Fishwick that an "inside source" on the Directorate had been shocked when the response of the radicals was to demand the expulsion of the Norwich committee for daring to write such a letter. This was a lie. The letter had been welcomed and in large part even acted upon. Fortunately, Michael had found out the truth and knew what was going on. But Wakeling did not know this and thought that he was now on their side. Since Michael's computer ability was vital to their plans, Wakeling now took Fishwick into his confidence. As a result the radicals were warned of the moves the reactionaries were about to make.
Wakeling told Michael Fishwick that in order to secure a majority at the forthcoming Directorate meeting, the Executive were going to suspend Derek Holland and Pat Harrington on trumped-up fraud charges, then seize control of the Bookshop and cook the books to provide "evidence" against them. This had to be stopped. Only a member of the Executive can suspend another Executive member, so there was just one way to do it. Before Wingfield could frame and suspend the two innocent victims, Nick Griffin (the only radical still on the Executive) suspended him and the other three reactionary members of the Executive.
It is important to realise that while Wingfield planned his action in order to subvert the constitution, Nick Griffin's was designed to protect it. He made it clear to the suspended reactionaries and to the High Court that their suspensions would be lifted at the start of the Directorate meeting so that they could all vote freely throughout it. It was simply a precautionary measure to stop their corrupt and cynical move to deny the radicals the same basic right.
Before they knew about this, the reactionaries started to take steps to seize the Administration records and assets. Acton phoned Nick Griffin and told him that it had been decided to hold an Executive meeting at the Norwich office, "because we need to talk about things with Paul Fortune as well as you and because it will save you both having to travel down to London." This sudden touching concern for the convenience of two people he had abused at the Directorate meeting just a couple of days before seemed somewhat uncharacteristic. Wakeling, however, told Michael Fishwick the real reason. With Wingfield, Nash and Acton in the Admin. office for the meeting and Nick Griffin in a minority of one, they would ask him to hand everything over and if he refused simply walk out with it.
At the same time, Steve Brady was threatening to leak whereabouts of the Admin. office to SEARCHLIGHT in order to embarrass the radicals and to cause problems for the two who had taken out the lease.
Faced with this twin threat to the security of the National Front, Nick Griffin, as head of Admin. and a member of the Executive, authorised Paul Fortune and Michael Fishwick to move everything out of the Norwich office to a secret location. While they were doing so, Wakeling came into the premises and saw them moving. He immediately went away to phone Wingfield and let him know that they had been mistaken about Michael Fishwick and that the cat was out of the bag.
The rapid move was quickly justified in terms of external as well as internal security. A few days later, when back at the building to negotiate an early end to the lease, Nick Griffin and Paul Fortune were told by the receptionist that two journalists had visited the property and had asked questions about "N.P. Enterprises" (the N.F. front-name which only a few people, including members of the faction, knew about). The description of one fits the appearance of the hideous SEARCHLIGHT photographer Cohen, and sure enough pictures of the building appeared in the next issue of the anti-Nationalist smear-sheet. It seems that for once Mr. Brady kept a promise.
Still unaware that their suspension letters were on their way, Wingfield, Nash and Acton met that evening for an Executive meeting in Worthing, linking up with Brons by telephone. But since in law such suspensions are valid from the moment notification is posted, the meeting was invalid and its decisions were ignored by everyone else.
But the things agreed at this meeting give an interesting insight into the mentality of the plotters. First, they passed a motion giving Wingfield "special powers" to suspend any member of the Party. This was a strange thing to do, since the constitution already gave him this power as a member of the Executive. It shows clearly how Wingfield's arrogance over the total control of "his" N.F. NEWS had now developed into a lust for power on a Tyndallesque scale.
They went on to decide to suspend Pat Harrington, as well as Paul Fortune and Michael Fishwick for moving the Admin. office. Then they cancelled a training seminar planned to take place in the North West of England the following weekend. Since they had no power to do so and since Richard Chadfield of Manchester had paid about £150 of his own money out to hire the premises, Nick Griffin and Derek Holland went ahead with the seminar as arranged. This was particularly fortunate as several of the members trained to deal with arrest and questioning there were later arrested in Oldham and found the training extremely valuable. Perhaps Brady and Acton, who have since written a long article in the faction's VANGUARD magazine in which they claim that radical concern about growing repression is unfounded and that there is therefore no need for such "elitist" training, should talk to the activists in places such as Oldham.
On the Saturday of the North West seminar, they held another "Executive" meeting, this time in the Birmingham office. This was another attempt to seize control of a key Party asset by conning or bullying the Birmingham committee into giving them support or emergency powers. Forewarned by loyal Directorate member Mick Turner, the Birmingham members plastered the building with Ulster flags and posters and threw the plotters out after a short and inconclusive meeting.
A LAST DESPERATE GAMBLE
The the reactionaries now knew that their only chance of hijacking N.F. was to take a desperate gamble before the Directorate meeting. If they could seize the Party's main bank accounts, membership records and Bookshop stock over the next few days, it would then take months of costly legal actions for the radical majority to get them back. In that time the plotters would have been able to use them to set up an alternative organisation and to bankrupt the N.F.
They tried to do this in three ways. First they attempted to occupy the Bookshop. After the Worthing meeting, Paul Nash picked up his brother Bob and one or two other cronies and drove to Pawsons Road. He had with him copies of the two keys used to lock the front door. He obtained these from Anderson, who had secretly had them made before he left the building at the end of the previous year - further evidence of the long-term planning of the reactionary coup attempt. Fortunately for the N.F., however, the Security Department had already added a strong additional lock and they left empty-handed.
Secondly, Acton and Nash were given the job of contacting the two banks used by the Norwich-based Administration and getting the accounts frozen by making allegations of fraud against the Admin. Department. Once frozen, they would then try to get the banks to release all the funds to them by posing as the legitimate and constitutional leadership. This attempt was thwarted after Nick Griffin, Paul Fortune and John Field saw the managers and after explaining what was going on offered not to touch the accounts until after the Directorate meeting. This offer was accepted and the accounts were duly unfrozen after that meeting in mid-May.
The third and most blatant attempt to misuse their very temporary power came when Wingfield and Brons authorised Acton and Nash to bring a High Court action against Nick Griffin, Paul Fortune and Michael Fishwick ordering them to hand over the Administration assets, funds and records.
Acton and Nash first sought an ex parte injunction. This is granted when the plaintiff's case is so strong that the judge gives him the injunction he wants without even bothering to ask the defendants for their side of the story. This was refused. So they then had to take out a High Court summons, calling on the three defendants to attend a fresh hearing of the court where their application for an injunction would be heard again. With particular malice, Acton managed to get this hearing called for the Wednesday when he knew Nick was due to go to see Pearce in prison to explain what was really going on.
Acton, Nash and Anderson then drove up to East Anglia to deliver the summonses. This was when the infamous shotgun incident took place. Nick Griffin had received a large number of threatening phone calls from the faction and Thomas had threatened to "blade" him when they next met. As his wife Jackie was over eight months pregnant he was not prepared to ignore such threats altogether. His legally held shotgun was therefore kept available as a deterrent. When Nick heard a banging on his front door and saw Anderson and several other figures standing outside, he therefore walked to the side of his house with the shotgun. On seeing who was there, he immediately told them that he certainly didn't need it for them and went back into the house to put it away before going back outside and accepting the High Court writ from Acton.
The wild tale about Nick Griffin waving assorted deadly weapons and walking around with mad glazed eyes was another product of the Anderson lie factory.
Acton and Co. then drove to Norwich but could not find either of the, other defendants. When the case was beard, however, Michael Fishwick attended with Nick as a gesture of good faith. It turned out that Acton and Nash bad fouled up their issuing of the summons and the several members who had accompanied the defendants were treated to the sight of the pair of them desperately running all over the enormous rabbit warren known as, the High Court as they tried to sort out the mess. As one loyalist remarked while watching this display of confusion and incompetence "it makes you embarrassed to be in the same Party as them". Fortunately this was a problem which their defeat would shortly resolve. When those involved finally went before a judge in chambers the farce continued. A trembling Acton was unable to find the relevant documents to bring to the judge's attention and had to be helped by Nick Griffin. The judge was further annoyed by Acton's attempts to ask for even more sweeping injunctions against the radicals and indeed the N.F. as a whole. One of the new demands was for Acton to be given control of every N.F. bank account. It was worded in such a way that if it had been met be could have seized the accounts of local units, as well as the Party's national operations. When he found that notice of this latest set of claims and demands had been handed to Nick and Michael Fishwick only minutes before they went into the court, even though Acton could have handed them over hours before, the judge lost patience altogether.
He therefore refused to grant any of the injunctions which Acton wanted and instead accepted Nick Griffin's voluntary undertaking not to touch any Party bank accounts until after the Directorate meeting, to keep the Admin. lists and files until then as well, and to hand everything over to whoever was put in charge by the majority of the Directorate.
Nick Griffin then asked for the judge's advice on the holding of the Directorate meeting. The judge accepted that the majority of the body had the right to call a meeting, but recommended that the majority should go to the meeting called for a few days later by Wingfield in order to make certain that everyone would be present. Acton and Nash in turn agreed that the meeting should be held in Pawsons Road rather than Slough where Wingfield had arranged to meet once again. Since the Party's files and funds were safely in the hands of the loyalist majority, Nick wrote out an agreement binding both sides at the court to do their best to ensure that everyone did indeed turn up at the Directorate meeting the following Saturday. Both sides also accepted the section of this agreement which pledged them to abide by the majority decision at the meeting.
Copies of this agreement, signed by Nick Griffin, Acton and Nash, were sent out the following day with a covering bulletin signed by Wingfield in which he too promised to be bound by the majority decision. Committee members who received this bulletin should take another look at it and judge for themselves whether Mr. Pinstripe Wingfield is a man of his word.
Both sides issued several bulletins during two weeks between the two Directorate meetings. The first one issued by Wingfield included discussion of details of the debate at the previous meeting in order to give credibility to its tissue of lies and half-truths. Not only were the lies clear evidence of disloyalty, but the release of details of Directorate deliberations without prior approval by the Directorate is a disciplinary offence under the N.F. constitution. This was why the four signatories to this bulletin - Wingfield, Brons, Nash and Acton - were suspended shortly afterwards.
THE MAJORITY REGAINS CONTROL
As soon as the proxy votes had been read out at the Directorate meeting, it was clear that the reactionaries' coup had failed. They had the votes of Wingfield, Brons, Anderson, Acton, Nash, Mundy and Pearce. These seven votes were more than balanced by the nine radical votes of Nick Griffin, Graham Williamson, Derek Holland, Pat Harrington, John Field, Phil Andrews, Mick Turner, John Ross and Dave Gobble. Two places were still vacant following the resignations of Denny over his dope arrest (Newham Recorder 5th December, 1985) and of Wingfield's irresponsible Tory friend Paul Johnson, who the radicals had forced to leave the Party after his involvement with the lunatic shotgun waving "December 12th Group" and its bomb threats in Kent after Pearce was imprisoned.
Now that they understood what had been going on, the majority acted firmly to remove the reactionary threat to take over the Party. Wingfield's Executive was dismissed, to go down in the history of the N.F. as the only Exec. which failed to get a single one of its decisions put into practice. The replacement consisted of Nick Griffin (Chairman); Graham Williamson (Deputy Chairman); Derek Holland; Pat Harrington; Phil Andrews and Pearce (elected by the radicals in the hope that he could still be made to see sense and admit his mistake).
The "Organisers Bulletin" sent out by Wingfield, Brons, Nash and Acton, before this meeting contained details of Directorate deliberations. The Constitution makes it clear that such details are confidential and may only be released if the Directorate votes to do so. This had not been done, so the four were now charged with this breach of the Constitution. Their bulletin had also contained various lies and attacks on members of the Directorate majority, so additional charges of disloyalty were also brought.
They all took part in the election of their disciplinary tribunal.. This was made up of Dave Gobell (Havering) as Chairman; Norman Tomkinson (Birmingham); Dave Durrant (Waltham Forest) and Mark Alder (Ealing). They all agreed that this tribunal was fair. When later found guilty and expelled not one of them felt the need to exercise his right of appeal against either the verdict or the sentence.
Even after their suspensions, the four continued to send out bulletins which made it clear that they had no intention of abiding by the majority decision. Wingfield still termed himself Chairman, National Front and the others signed claiming still to be members of the Executive Council.
However much people might have respected Brons or Wingfield in the past, it was clear that this ridiculous and disruptive attitude left the new leadership with no alternative but to seek their expulsion. A powerful political organisation can only be built on discipline and respect for the authority of its constitution. But because the decision had not gone in favour of Wingfield and his clique, they now deliberately set out to undermine the constitution and the authority of the properly elected leadership. Such a breach of discipline had to be dealt with firmly to avoid a slide into anarchy.
The plotters were also sacked from the other positions they had misused, including the editorship of Party publications. After these decisions had been made, the reactionary minority walked out of the meeting, which was then able to get down to constructive work. When Wakeling heard the news he resigned from the Party, but several of the lesser plotters, including Brady, reacted by making conciliatory gestures to the victors in the hope of eventual forgiveness. They left it too late.
Anderson, Nash and Acton were instructed to hand back Party property, including a photocopier and the badly needed badge machine kept by Newham. It was the point-blank refusal of Hipperson and Neil Nash (with whom Acton was living at the time) to assist in recovering this property which led to their suspensions, although Pearce has sent out at least one bulletin claiming that they were suspended simply for swearing at members of the Directorate. Yet another blatant lie.
"IF WE CAN'T HAVE IT, NOR CAN YOU"
Having had their attempt to take over the N.F. decisively defeated, the reactionaries now set about a wrecking operation designed to destroy it, while at the same time building the basis of an alternative organisation under their control. Their first steps towards this had been taken many months before when they stole the Organisers' Bulletin list and lists of subscribers before they handed the records over to the radical Administration. Now they took the second step, which involved using these lists to undermine the National Front and to try to steal members and money from it in order to found their rival organisation.
A rash of silly circulars now began to appear from their camp. Their initial claims about the imminent collapse of the Directorate and of units' loyalty to the constitution were soon discredited, as was their boast that the radicals would surrender when Pearce was released from prison. When these steps to disrupt the National Front failed they changed tactics.
Instead they now began to use their stolen lists to sell rival publications and advertise rival activities (mainly fund-raising ones). The hysterical circulars written by Nash were replaced by more measured letters from Pearce. Nash's talents were instead put to use in a "dirty tricks" department. This produced such gems as a forged letter "from" Pat Harrington saying that Nick Griffin and Derek Holland had to be axed next. This was not too convincing as apart from anything else it was produced on Nash's typewriter. Next to appear on the photocopier the has temporarily stolen from the N.F. was a bulletin headed "Action". This claimed to be written by a group of YNF loyalists, but launched vicious attacks on other loyal officials and "respectfully" demanded that family men such as Nick Griffin and Graham Williamson should stand aside in favour of one, unmarried leader. This attempt to give the impression that the Directorate and the loyal activists were themselves divided was made even less convincing by the fact that the circular was posted near Nash's home in Haringey.
Evidence of the State's continued interest in supporting this reactionary faction is provided by the significant number of committee members who receive copies of their bulletins, but whose official N.F. Organisers' bulletins vanish in the post. And a number of subscribers to N.F. NEWS have phoned in to ask why their copies of the Party paper have not arrived for several issues, but who mention that they have received a copy of Wingfield's factional paper instead. In the weeks following the defeat of the reactionaries on the the Directorate, the level of interference with the National Front's post and telephones rose to an all time high. The problems caused by this, mainly lack of contact between officials and the leadership and shortage of money, have of course proved very helpful to the faction - as was intended to be the case.
This is not the first time that the British State has used this kind of trick against troublesome dissident elements. C.N.D. complained bitterly of exactly the same thing several years ago and eventually received compensation from the Post Office for it. More recently, the State had to hide behind the Official Secrets Act to conceal the extent of its phone tapping and mail opening activities when taken to court by C.N.D. So such problems aren't paranoia on the part of the Directorate, they are a fact of life for radical political groups in Maggie Thatcher's police state.
Important local units, such as Birmingham and Croydon also now began to notice a sharp increase in interference with post sent to their local P.O. Boxes at this time. There is no doubt that the State is involved in this plot somewhere along the line.
Another strange thing was the ability of the Wingfield/Anderson clique to raise enough money to produce a glossy eight page newspaper, THE FLAG, within a couple of weeks of losing the battle for control of the Party, and a well-produced magazine, VANGUARD, shortly afterwards. Some of the money is known to have come from two Sevenoaks businessmen, Geoff Burnett and Alan Colnett, but the money given by them could not have paid for the paper, let alone the magazine. They had been able to steal some cash from a few local N.F. bank accounts, but again this cannot have netted them enough. Perhaps the propaganda intended to help the reactionaries win over units of the National Front to their new organisation is financed from the same source as Anderson's mortgage, print-shop, car, and regular heavy drinking, not to mention the times that he took Pearce's parents out to dinner to bend their ears while he was supposed to be unemployed? Anderson also spent quite large sums on double vodkas and evenings out for Joe's wife, while he was in prison, so his paymasters must be extremely well off. Or is one of the others a grass and a tout as well?
Shortly before the abolition of the Ulster Assembly, Billy Bleakes, the unusually radical Official Unionist Assemblyman for South Antrim, told the Assembly that he had evidence that the National Front had been infiltrated by M.I.5 and that a senior official of the Party working for the State had visited Ulster some time before, staying in a hotel or guest-house in South Belfast. The only N.F. official who had at the time stayed in such accommodation was Anderson.
Whatever lay behind this particular claim, Anderson and Brady are widely regarded in Ulster loyalist circles as informers.
PEARCE BACKS THE FACTION
The reactionaries are at present (August 1986) calling themselves the National Front Support Group, in order to use the name of the N.F. to give them credibility and respectability with members and sympathisers while they build up their rival organisation. The trick is not new and is unlikely to last for long. Experienced faction watchers will recall the uncanny similarity between their present antics and those of the doomed N.F. Constitutional Movement and Tyndall's New N.F. Anderson is already arguing for a complete break and a new name, although others in the group consider that hanging on to their fraudulent "link" with the N.F. is their only chance of conning money and support out of innocent British Nationalists.
The release of Pearce after six months in prison and his decision to throw in his lot with the Wingfield/Anderson clique certainly gave them a boost, but not as much as they had expected. Pearce's reasons for his regrettable decision are not clear. Although he promised to spend at least a whole day shortly after his release with his former close friends Nick Griffin and Derek Holland, he has in fact taken steps to avoid contact with the people who could best have explained what had happened. The two short discussions which he had with Nick Griffin both started with Pearce spoiling for a fight, but ended with a friendly agreement to meet again shortly to discuss things and seek grounds for an agreement, particularly as they both saw sweeping decentralisation within the movement as essential for both ideological and practical reasons. But after going back to his boozing friends in the faction he has each time changed his mind and embarked on a policy of head-on confrontation. One problem is perhaps that Pearce has always been notoriously unable to admit to making a mistake.
Pearce's dislike of Pat Harrington is also clearly involved in his decision, but it seems unlikely that he would be so juvenile as to allow a personality clash to put him on a collision course with the radical leadership. The truth is probably that there are a number of factors involved. Pearce's fervent conversion to Catholicism seems at times to have taken him a step away from reality to a land where everybody loves everyone else and people can escape from responsibility for their own actions simply by claiming to love their opponents. He has spoken at length about how the radical Directorate is "spiritually corrupt", but the only thing he can point to in order to back this up is the fact that after repeated warnings and widespread disruption, it has expelled a small number of malcontents.
Pearce is clearly upset that this has included a number of his friends, but acknowledges that had they won instead they would have expelled the radicals. He has somehow managed to confuse comradeship, which must be based on a common set of beliefs and loyalty to the same organisation, with friendship, which can cross political barriers. In Pearce's sadly illogical world, a comrade all too often appears to be anyone who will get drunk with him. While he was in prison, both Nick Griffin and Derek Holland wrote to tell him that he should give up drinking when released in order to avoid letting himself or the movement down. He took this genuinely comradely advice very badly.
Pearce's other main gripe against his former colleagues is that Nick Griffin and Paul Fortune were unable to put away as much money as had been agreed into an account for his release. He had been told that he would receive £5 per week, with £10 on a good week. But the State interference with the N.F.'s post and the disruption caused by his factional allies made this impossible. So instead of a minimum of £130 he was in fact given £100 by Paul Fortune after his release. The Admin. also paid to hire a car to take Gina Pearce to see him in prison and gave his wife another £30 to help them move into their new house in Suffolk. She also received £15 every week from the Nationalist Welfare Association (a total of £360, on top of money given direct to her by sympathetic individuals and units such as Southwark and Barking) so he really cannot complain too much. He was also given money on his release by several individuals and units, including Southwark Branch who gave him £62. All this adds up to something not far short of £1,000, so they actually received more money from the National Front than any full or part-time worker over the whole six month period. His sacrifice deserved such support, but his materialistic demand for more does not fit in with his ultra-spiritual pose.
A more cynical explanation of Pearce's position could be that while Wingfield and Co. disagreed with the radicals over ideology, Pearce's quarrel is over power. Quite simply, he is a radical, but insists on being the top radical. In the collective leadership of the modern National Front, he would always have been just one of a team of equals. In the rival organisation which he is now trying to set up, his talents and personality will make him the clear leader. Unless, that is, Wingfield and Anderson "chop" him once his radicalism starts to offend the Tory elements whom they hope to recruit.
More charitably, a second spell in prison, particularly with uncertainty and tension waiting back home, broke his spirit, as it has broken so many apparently solid loyalists in Ulster. The change is probably subconscious, but it is no less drastic for that. It is certainly a fact that a number of people who met bim after his release commented sadly that "it's not the same old Joe."
Most likely, Pearce's decision is the result of a combination of these things. We will probably never know. His former comrades regret the loss of his talents and his friendship, but the National Front will go on. And this affair will teach one more lesson: the individual doesn't count - it is loyalty to the IDEA that is all-important.
N.F.S.G. - ON THE ROAD TO NOWHERE.
One other thing is certain, the N.F. Support Group, or whatever this reactionary clique eventually decides to call itself, will not survive. As Tyndall pointed out years ago, no splinter group can prosper while the National Front survives. And the National Front is not only going to survive, it is going to grow and gain in strength and flexibility. The N.F.S.G. will sooner or later go the way of the National Independence Party, National Party, N.F.C.M., New N.F., and the various versions of the British National Party. The National Front is the only political vehicle for the advance of British Nationalism. Effort directed anywhere else is wasted and doomed to failure.
The reactionaries know this to be the case, which is why they are trying hard to keep up the appearance of somehow working for the good of the N.F. It is therefore important that every official, activist and supporter understands that they are already a separate and RIVAL ORGANISATION. They might still claim to be a N.F. "Support Group", but they do not support the constitution of the National Front; they do not support the ideology of the National Front, and they do not support the policies of the National Front. They are a diversion and a rival, not a "Support Group"
A RIVAL ORGANISATION
The truly disruptive purpose and nature of the" N.F. Support Group" can be seen very clearly by examining how the reactionaries have set up their own separate organisation and the sort of things they do to advance their aims.
They have their own paper THE FLAG. This is in direct competition with NATIONAL FRONT NEWS and was deliberately launched at a time when NFN needed every ounce of the movement's effort put into the drive to make it fortnightly. Wingfield's FLAG (Deputy Editor Ian "once a con-man, always a con-man" Anderson) is a glossy and well-produced paper which deliberately avoids open criticism of the leadership of the N.F. in order to appeal more to the naive. So it is worthwhile analysing the first issue to show just why it is so dangerous and why it is proscribed.
The photos of Party activities were actually taken by Hipperson on the understanding that they were for N.F. NEWS. A number of the reports included in it were also sent in for N.F.N. and not handed over by Wingfield when be was asked to return Party property.
On page 2, the beading "Constituency No.3" on a report about the adoption of Pearce as an N.F. prospective parliamentary candidate was designed to make it appear that the paper was an official continuation of N.F. NEWS, in which the first two reports appeared. Since the paper is in fact the work of a hostile rival group, nothing could be further from the truth. And since Barking Branch bas rejected Pearce's plea to join the faction, the chances of him standing for the National Front are nil.
"On the same page, the article by Dave Shedden against drugs was used to give the impression that he supported the faction. This was not the case, but Wingfield had been given the article by Acton who had been sent it for NATIONALISM TODAY some time before and who had stolen it from Party files for the faction's broadsheet. Reports elsewhere in the paper which named local Party officials as talking to the FLAG were similarly dishonest. Kevin Wilshaw, Tony Tompkins and Ritchie Gassling were the first to join Dave Shedden in disassociating themselves from the factional paper.
The reappearance of the Ted Budden column can have pleased no-one except a few elderly racist Tories and the Director of Public Prosecutions as he considered how easy it would be to get Race Act convictions against anyone caught selling the FLAG to the public. It is one thing to defy the Race Laws with intelligent propaganda which is designed to strike a chord with millions of ordinary Britons, but it is quite unnecessary to stand up as mindless Alf Garnett bigots to do so.
The large donation box on page 7 asks for funds not for the N.F. or for local units of the N.F., but for the FLAG, which is the private property of Messrs Wingfield and Anderson (what a surprise, to find Mr. Anderson involved in yet another rip-off). Yet any donations which did come in would be given because the paper tries to pass itself off as an official publication of the National Front. This is fraud. It seems, however, that they now realise the dangers involved, for the faction are now asking for money to be sent to "Flag Newspapers". This is also another step towards the open setting up of a rival organisation.
The article "NF Says Sport for All" is quite harmless, except for the precedent it sets. Here we have the rival paper of a reactionary faction claiming the right to decide N.F. policy. All well and good on this uncontroversial subject, but what happens when Wingfield starts re-making the National Front's policies on Ulster and the U.S. occupation of Britain (which significantly get the grand total of 58 words between them in the first issue of Wingfield's reactionary rag).
In spite of its glossy appearance, THE FLAG is not a serious rival to N.F. NEWS. Its total print-run was only 4,000. Its bulk rates advert only goes up to 400, so Wingfield is clearly not even expecting to sell to many important units or to shift every copy. The offer of bulk rates for orders as small as twenty shows that they are anticipating a poor response from units and hope instead to boost low bulk sales to individuals. "Make money for your branch OR YOURSELF." says the advert, appealing to the greedy reader. Presumably this piece was written by the Deputy Editor. But for all its weaknesses, THE FLAG is a menace to the unity, progress and ideology of the National Front. It must and will be crushed.
As a full quarter page advert in the FLAG makes clear, Wingfield's organisation also has its own leaflet for sale. This is another attempt to by-pass the legitimate channels of propaganda production and is another venture which is not as harmless as it first appears. First of all, the price of these masterpieces of Tory prose is outrageous. At £8 per thousand they show that the faction's leadership can still produce a good rip-off when they need to. The usual N.F. price is just about to leap £1 to a total of £6 per thousand. Anything over that is pure profit for Wingfield.
And the address for follow-ups is the Worthing P.O. Box stolen by Wingfield from the N.F. "Branches guaranteed to be informed of enquiries within 48 hours" boasts the adverts. Quite easy, when very few are coming in and when the Special Branch doesn't intercept your mail. Units may also like to consider the benefits of having their new members joining up through a group which includes Ian Anderson, the man whose carelessness in the disposal of old membership lists led to the names and addresses of the entire Newham membership appearing in SEARCHLIGHT. Something which contributed greatly to the collapse of Newham from a thriving Branch to a private drinking club with fewer than ten people at the average monthly meeting. Any units who still have stocks of this leaflet are advised to dump them in the bin or return them to Wingfield. The same applies to the posters available from the same source.
A record of every follow-up received by this group is kept so that the individuals concerned can be invited to join Wingfield's new reactionary party when it is officially formed. Don't help these con-men set up a rival organisation in your area. Don't distribute any of their "helpful" propaganda.
Although they still claim to be a "Support Group" within the N.F., the reactionaries have already started to issue their own membership cards and are trying to persuade branches to "declare U.D.I." and take supplies of these cards for their members. These bogus cards are, of course, invalid, and anyone collecting money for them from people believing them to be genuine National Front membership cards is likely to face an action for fraud. This trick is a blatant example of how the reactionaries have used problems created by the State for their own factional advantage, since membership cards are among the items hardest hit by the police interference with the National Front's post. However, since units will from now on be brought supplies of official membership cards on literature runs and allowed to issue them locally, there is no need for any unit to buy the bogus cards in an attempt to keep members without cards happy.
The absurd attempt to get N.F. units to declare U.D.I. has met with very little success. Only the few units already heavily influenced by locally popular reactionaries and which had already been shut down by the Directorate for disloyalty have tried to follow this path. Their officials are now facing court action by the N.F.'s Legal Department to compel them to hand back property, money and membership lists stolen from the National Front. Pearce's hopes of creating a snowball effect with such declarations met with a severe blow when his old home branch Barking listened to his "case" against the Directorate and then decisively rejected his request for support, even though he had turned up with over a dozen heavies to try to intimidate the loyalist majority. Pearce's continued disruptive behaviour and factional circulars left the Directorate with no choice but to suspend him shortly after this event.
The very idea that the committees and members of the N.F. might fall for the nonsense talked by the faction about declaring U.D.I. but somehow remaining in the N.F., or that they might not notice the way in which the "Support Group" is in fact a rival organisation, shows how much contempt the reactionaries have for the people who form the backbone of the National Front. Fortunately, the vast majority of officials and activists have seen through their feeble deception.
While the external propaganda of this faction gives the superficial appearance of being constructive, its internal offerings make no such attempt. In an effort to take advantage of the State's disruption of the Militants' Levy, the faction have printed their own "Activist Donation Card". The covering letter sent out with this claimed that any money raised in this way would help "bring down the final curtain" on the constitutionally elected leadership of the National Front. It is not surprising that such an outrageously factional attitude has brought little response from the people to whom the card was sent.
It is very interesting that Pearce has used the Kent office of Burnett and Colnett as the address for the "Support Group" bulletins and for the "Activist Donation Card" and his other fund-raising appeals. This is not at all convenient for him or any of his faction, but has the advantage of being owned by wealthy businessmen who are personally loyal to him. This ensures that Anderson and Wingfield can't get their hands on any money that may come in. This is a very sensible precaution, but, it will be interesting to see what happens as the distrust between them grows greater.
(Editor's note: Several days after this was written, Wingfield managed to get the official address of the N.F.S.G. changed to the P.O. Box under his personal control. In view of the fact that he has already held friendly discussions with Richard Edmonds, who is acting Leader of the B.N.P. while Tyndall is in prison, Wingfield's determination to seize more and more control over the new group clearly points to the fact that a major re-alignment is taking place in the Nationalist movement. In spite of the presence of renegade radicals such as Pearce, the N.F.S.G. will inevitably drift towards what is left of the B.N.P. The end result will be a clearcut division between a reactionary, pro-imperialist party and a fully radicalised National
The reactionaries' attempt financial and organisational to wreck the National Front through disruption has gone hand in hand with moves to put personal pressure on key individuals in the loyalist camp. Apart from the now routine threatening phone calls to most Directorate members, senior officials with vulnerable jobs have been singled out for special treatment.
Phil Andrews lost his job with an air freight company as a result of phone calls and threats at work from Anderson. But the worst example is that of Graham Williamson. Within days of his being elected Deputy Chairman and well before it was publicly announced, his bosses in the Nationwide Building Society were sent copies of a photocopied leaflet detailing his new position supposedly issued by the "Anti-Fascist Co-ordinating Committee." No such organisation exists and no Reds could possibly have known about the changes in the N.F. leadership which had taken place not much more than a week earlier. But the leaflet came to light just three days after Graham received a phone call through his works' switchboard and heard Acton ask to speak to "Mr. Williamson". When Graham said that it was him, Acton hung up, having confirmed the exact place at which he worked. As a result of the leaflet, Graham Williamson was given a choice by his bosses: either leave the Front or lose your job. He told them what to do their ultimatum and is now involved in an unfair dismissal case. But the attempt to pressure a man with a mortgage and young family by such disgusting tactics sums up the mentality of the members of the "N.F. Support Group." Unable to win control of the National Front themselves, their sole aim now is to use every method available to destroy it. How Pearce can attack the Directorate as "spiritually corrupt" and still find the stomach to work with these creatures defies belief. But as more and more people
understand what they are playing at, their chance of success will fade and die. These men are destined to be the most discredited and hated of any who have split away from the National Front.
No doubt their shady financial backers will continue for a time to pay for the production of their glossy publications. No doubt we will have to endure more lies and silly circulars from them, with more fantasies such as the "newly joined freemason on the Directorate" lie in Pearce's first bulletin. But these things are a sign of despair. Their attempt to take over or wreck the National Front has failed.
Apart from rejection by the vast majority of ordinary Nationalists, one other thing guarantees the failure of the reactionaries' faction: they all hate each other almost as much as they hate the leadership of the N.F.
Pearce, Acton and Brady detest Anderson. Wingfield regards Pearce as another dangerous "National Bolshevik". Anderson hates everybody, including, one suspects, himself. Denny hates Acton and Brady because they both lust after Tina Dalton (now Tina Denny, but respect for marriage vows has never stopped Brady in the past). Acton, Brady and Nash all hate Pearce's Catholicism, as does his charming wife. Pearce is a distributist, Anderson and Nash are compulsive and power-mad centralisers. Pearce is a medievalist, Brady is obsessive about gadgets and modern technology. THE FLAG is run by two reactionary spivs who are very good at stealing other peoples' money. But VANGUARD magazine is run by two renegade radicals who are unable to keep track of money at all. Many of the "respectable" sympathisers of the group are alarmed by the N.F.'s move towards limited confrontation and non-violent direct action against the State, yet Wingfield and Anderson remain close friends of Paul Johnson, whose paramilitary japes came close to destroying the N.F. in Kent some months ago. The faction's resurrection of the Kent football tournament strongly suggests that Johnson is actively involved in the N.F.S.G., and although no clear evidence of this has yet emerged, the older reactionaries such as Sid Campbell, are certain to be worried by this. Among the smaller fry, Neil Nash in Barking has turned on "A.J." Hume for not coming to his aid in a scuffle. And Hipperson and Bennett recently displayed their close comradeship by "glassing" each other in an argument over football teams. The whole sordid alliance is doomed by its own contradictions.
These people have already chosen their own punishment for their subversion and treason -having to work with each other from now until one by one they drop out altogether.
Although this group have run a very effective conspiracy against the National Front, it would clearly be wrong to see them as a monolithic conspiracy. They are in fact a quarrelsome shambles, held together only because they all reacted in some way or another against the slow but steady development of the National Front into a disciplined and efficient National Revolutionary organisation. Apart from this the only thing they have in common is their patronage of sordid pubs for the consumption of more alcohol than is good for them or their supporters' pockets. Small wonder that some-one referred to their organisation as the "Brewers Support Group."
THE WAY FORWARD
This joint attempt by reactionaries and the State to break the National Front has failed. The people who led and supported this wrecking mission will never be allowed to playa role in the Nationalist movement again. But in spite of their treason, the N.F. is still making rapid progress in Ulster and taking steady steps to strengthen its organisation throughout Britain. The new leadership will not allow itself to be deflected from these vital areas.
Steps are already being taken to overcome the weaknesses shown in the N.F.'s organisation by the State's interference with it's communications. More internal contact between the leadership and the units on regular literature run with a fortnightly N.F. NEWS will end many problems at a stroke. Decentralisation wherever possible will help greatly as well. A far greater emphasis on Education and Training programmes will go a long way to ensuring that the political knowledge and practical experience needed for this are passed on to local level and to teams of specialists given specific areas of responsibility.
All the lessons learnt over the last few difficult months will be acted on. While the financial damage inflicted by the disruption will take some months to completely repair, the end result will be a more experienced and "street-wise" National Front. We now have an idea of how far the enemies of Revolutionary Nationalism will go to try to stop us. Fortunately the recent upheaval has purged the movement of the last reactionary elements who always act as their fifth column.
This means that the next moves against us will have to be made openly, with repressive laws and brutal policing. This will inevitably cause us setbacks and suffering, but at least the battle lines will be clearly drawn and the attacks will only serve to strengthen our resolve. We will make whatever sacrifice is necessary for the salvation of our Race and Nation. We will do so without hatred and without fear. And we will win.
To the enemies who have failed to destroy the National Front by guile we give this message: now you can only use brute force, so go ahead and use it.
Even if you kill us, you cannot kill our Revolution. Your corrupt System is doomed to collapse, but we will build a new world above the ruins....